Youth Inspired by Jewish Values — and Israeli Protests
Rio de Janeiro — When Alan Rochlin
joined hundreds of thousands of Israelis who took to the streets in 2011
to protest skyrocketing living costs, he never imagined he would be
doing the same in his native Brazil just two years later.
But as Brazilians made international headlines in late
June with massive anti-government protests, Rochlin, a 21-year-old
marketing student and leader of the Jewish youth movement Chazit Hanoar
Hadrom Americait (Youth Front of South America), was one of many Jews
among them.
For Rochlin, the connection was obvious.
“Israeli society took to the streets in order to have a
debate and start a dialogue,” he said, recalling his experience during
an extended stay in Israel. Similarly in Brazil now, “we are debating,
questioning and demanding change, and we’ll follow through to make sure
[changes] are really going to materialize.”
Rochlin, who lives in Rio de Janeiro, is far from
alone. Jewish movements such as Hillel, Habonim Dror and Chazit Hanoar,
and their members, have joined the wide cross-section of Brazilians now
rocking the country with their protests. But while the Jewish
protesters’ sentiments are part and parcel of the feelings sweeping
across Brazilian society, many cite their identity as Jews as a primary
wellspring of their activism.
“I believe the highest call of my Jewish identity is to change the world. I hold
tikkun olam [repair
of the world] as the most coherent expression of Jewish values,” said
Bruno Cintra, a blogger well known in the Jewish community for his
writing on Brazilian culture and politics.
Cintra spoke to the Forward while sitting on a plastic
chair in the middle of Delfim Moreira Avenue, one of Rio de Janeiro’s
most expensive and exclusive beachside roads. After participating in
many of the protests,
Cintra decided to join a movement called Ocupa
Cabral (Occupy Cabral), which set up camp with a dozen tents and
pan-drumming demonstrators in front of the building of Rio de Janeiro
Governor Sergio Cabral on this tony street. Police evicted Cintra’s
group on the night of July 1, the 11th day of its sit-in. But the group
is already planning a reoccupation.
“After so many years of crime, robbery and massacres,
the people took to the streets and erupted in peaceful protests,” Cintro
said, alluding to the corruption that protesters cite as one of the
main targets of their ire.
The protests peaked most recently on June 20, when
hundreds of thousands of demonstrators filled the streets of downtown
Rio in a peaceful demonstration; it was the largest protest in the
country since the pro-democracy rallies of 1984. The show of people
power came after a week of demonstrations, held in more than 100 cities
in nearly every state of the nation. Protesters, many of whom come from
the middle and upper-middle class, cited a panoply of long-standing
discontents, including corruption, skyrocketing living costs and what
they see as the refusal of the political class to even hear their
complaints. Still, the true meaning of what’s going on remains hard to
grasp.
The demonstrations were not connected
to any parties. Indeed, whenever members of political movements showed
up, they were asked (with varying degrees of courtesy) to put down their
flags and banners. Federal, state and local governments were caught off
guard, which prompted many to react with violence against unarmed
protesters. Political leaders from all sides — who at first scrambled to
hijack the movement —became scared and silent as they quickly realized
they were not welcome to join, and rather were seen as part of the
problem.
Social media played a huge part as a mobilization tool;
most demonstrations were organized via Facebook, and the word spread
thanks to Twitter. Still, no one expected the huge response, not even
the Movimento Passe Livre (Free Fare Movement) group from São Paulo,
which launched the protests to complain about public transportation
price hikes. And no one has come forward as a leader of the masses. This
spontaneity attests to a general sense of irritation but has failed to
produce a focused set of demands for the movement.
It is, perhaps, not surprising that Jews have joined in
these demonstrations readily. Like most of the protesters, the Jews of
Brazil, who number more than 107,000, are largely members of the middle
and upper-middle-classes, and are highly integrated into Brazilian
society. As a group, they stand mostly behind liberal values. Indeed,
it’s nearly impossible to find members of Brazil’s Jewish community who
will agree to make comments against the movement. Efforts to reach Paul
Israel Singer, one of the founding fathers of the leftist Workers Party
now ruling Brazil, were unsuccessful. Leaders of Brazil’s culturally
conservative Chabad-Lubavitch community also declined to comment, as
they consider themselves apolitical.
First established during the 16th century by Jews
fleeing the Inquisition, Brazil’s Jewish community is today mostly
Ashkenazi. Synagogues and organizations, including Zionist groups,
operate without interference, and episodes of anti-Semitism, though they
occur, are not common.
So far, the government has responded to the waves of
protest by, among other things, canceling the scheduled bus fare price
hikes in many cities. A widely criticized constitutional amendment
designed to limit the investigative powers of public anti-corruption
watchdogs has also been overturned.
But at this stage the protesters are seeking much more,
however ill defined. Despite government concessions and an effort to
appear supportive of the demonstrations, President Dilma Rousseff has
suffered a significant dip in popularity, which in June slid to 30% from
65% in March, according to a recent poll.
“This mobilization was necessary, and it still is,”
said Evelyn Silva, 39, a Portuguese and English teacher and a former
member of the Zionist group Habonim Dror. “All of a sudden, people who
had so much choked up their throats decided to grab a piece of cardboard
and a Sharpie and go outside to speak their minds and make their
demands.”
Silva, who has participated in all but two of the
demonstrations held in Rio de Janeiro, saw Judaism as a strong influence
in her decision to join the protests; she hailed the concept of
tzedakah,
the obligation to aid the needy, as a great example, as well as the
teachings in the Pirkei Avot, or The Ethics of the Fathers, that are
part of the Talmud.
“Jewish ethics has a lot to do with my identification
with socialism,” said Silva, who is a member of a socialist opposition
party the Party of Socialism and Liberty. “The saying ‘two Jews, three
opinions’ shows to what extent questioning the status quo and critical
analysis are milestones of our culture.”
Contact Andrea Palatnik at palatnik@forward.com
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